Jimmy Kimmel, free speech, and turning points

When the Trump episode (epoch?) in American life ends, the brief suspension of a late night talk show host may well mark the turning point when Republicans and conservatives began to abandon this president’s authoritarian aspirations. And why not? It’s a great story.

Proudly thin-skinned, Donald Trump has never warmed to the notion that free speech means political leaders must tolerate criticism, ridicule, and even nasty asides. Most politicians cope by pretending to ignore it all, but the power move is to embrace it–getting in on the joke and coopting the critic. (Gerald Ford, George Bush, and Barack Obama all pulled off this trick.) Trump’s communications strategy–on all the time in all venues–coupled with his hypersensitivity–make him an irresistible target. Add in clownish appearance, conspicuous misinformation, and distinctly unpracticed speaking style and it’s a wonder that late-night comedians talk about anything else.

Trump’s political coalition responded to Jimmy Kimmel’s take on the MAGA movement’s effort to make Charlie Kirk a martyr already primed to take offense. ABC/Disney pulled Kimmel off-air under fire from local affiliates and the chair of the Federal Communication Commission. Alas, this isn’t new. ABC, CBS, and others (including law firms and universities) have settled the nuisance suits Trump launched in hopes of avoiding larger problems with a transparently vindictive administration.

Public response was quick and dramatic. Protesters assembled outside Disney headquarters and theme parks and organized to boycott Disney+ and Hulu streaming services. Politicians and talk show hosts issued statements about free speech and Kimmel. Beyond the customers, notable celebrities signed letters of protest, and suggested–sometimes publicly–that they wouldn’t jump at the chance to work with Disney again. Sarah McLachlan refused to perform or even appear at the Lilith Fair premier in support of Kimmel. She wasn’t alone. Obviously, Disney needs talent AND customers.

This time, the champions of Trump’s victims were joined by conservatives and Republicans who announced their antipathy to Kimmel at the same time. Provocateur Ben Shapiro said government shouldn’t be involved in making business decisions for the networks as did Senator Ted Cruz (R-TX)–the (understandable butt of so much nasty satire–who proclaimed his support for speech free of government interference. Maybe it’s because they’d been to law school, or had a strong principled commitment to free speech. And maybe it’s because they smell a tide turning.

Disney/ABC caved pretty quickly. FCC Chair Brendan Carr clarified his threatening comments in a way that surely sounded like he was backing down. Trump himself was conspicuously outraged, threatening more and less specified retribution to the networks, his critics, as well as political enemies from his first term.

Score the win for the Resistance. It’s worth watching Kimmel’s monologue from his return to late night, and Sarah McLachlan’s performance.

Wins matter.

This effort opened the possibilities of new allies who are nursing second and third thoughts about the wisdom of unwavering support for Trump. Kimmel’s quick return to television–with his largest audience ever–encourages campaigns against Trump on all sorts of other issues. And Trump continues to say and do so much worth challenging. People like Shapiro and Cruz who imagine political relevance after this moment are determined not to ride the Trump train into ignominy and irrelevance. They won’t be alone.

Is this a turning point? Later on, the Kimmel campaign will make for a good story. But it’s important to remember that turning a great ship like America takes a long time. The demonstrators who showed up at the first Women’s March and early dissident Republicans like Justin Amash, Mitt Romney, and Liz Cheney pointed this way. Every bit matters, and the next round of critics will face a little less difficulty.

The straw that breaks the camel’s back isn’t always the last one.

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About David S. Meyer

Author and professor of Sociology and Political Science at the University of California, Irvine
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