Passover 2014; telling the story

It’s Passover; the first seder is tonight, and I thought it was worth writing something about story-telling and ritual.  I learned that I already had (pasted below).

The stories we tell about the past affect how we see the present and future, including who we think we are.  I suspect all religions display tensions between universal responsibilities and the particular interests of a distinct people.  You might think, for example, that advocates of religious freedom care also about people who don’t share that religion–sometimes that’s true; often it’s not.

And no matter how the story’s told, audiences–particularly around the family table–take the meanings they choose.  I’m reminded of the start of William Blake’s “The Everlasting Gospel”:

The Vision of Christ that thou dost see,
Is my vision’s greatest enemy.
Thine has a long, hook nose like thine,
Mine has a snub nose like mine.
Thine is the Friend of all Mankind,
Mine speaks in Parables to the blind.
Thine loves the same world that mine hates,
Thy heaven-doors are my hell-gates.
Socrates taught what Melitus
Loathed as a nation’s bitterest curse.
And Caiaphas was, in his own mind,
A benefactor to mankind.
Both read the Bible day and night,
But thou readest black where I read white.

 

 

We’re two days into Passover, a major Jewish holiday.  The highlight is always two nights of services at the dinner table with families and friends, with varying shares of food, prayer, stories, and discussion.  This service, the seder, varies tremendously from home to home, as each household makes its way through a haggadah, with more and less conflict and warmth–as immortalized in Woody Allen films.

“Haggadah” means telling or narration, and the story that’s told is about the liberation of the Hebrews from slavery in Egypt.  Although key elements of the tale are basically consistent, the tone, length, and meanings of the story are all over the place.

On length: the longest service I’ve ever participated in, many years ago, featured commentary and discussion on absolutely everything, and we didn’t get to dinner until after midnight.  All the participants were in their twenties, and there were no hungry kids waiting for dinner.

On meaning: religion helps people make sense of their lives, and rituals reinforce a sense of one’s place in the world.  People take very different messages from the same sets of stories and religious dicta, and devout doesn’t mandate a certain kind of politics.  Radical pacifist Dorothy Day and proto-fascist Father Charles Coughlin both saw themselves as committed Catholics.  Contemporary Christian clerics finds ways to promote tax cuts or tax justice in the Gospels.

The haggadah is a site where we can see the outcomes of activist Jewish efforts.  The story of liberation from Egypt can be used to make many different points.  In one reading, it’s about how special the Hebrews are, and about their sacred tie to the land of Israel.  Another take is about a universal drive for social justice, with an explicit argument that the liberation from slavery should make seder participants particularly vigilant in fighting against the oppression of others.

Such contrasting visions play out in different haggadahs; it’s easy to find conservative, leftist, environmentalist, and feminist haggadahs in bookstores–and now, on line  (links).  All manner of causes have been represented by activists seizing the holiday and appropriating the story for their own purposes.  The rituals and symbols change in response to the concerns of the present: vegans, for example, hold their seders without a shankbone to represent the Passover sacrifice.

But recounting the experience of slavery, even many generations on, should leave a lasting impact on the way we think about the world and about justice.

The drama of the events commemorated–and the flexibility of the service–make it every politico’s favorite holiday.  President Obama–who is not Jewish or Muslim–has been hosting a seder each year  for a long time–well before he got to hold the ceremony in the White House.

You can make your own:

The Open Source Haggadah lists 16 key elements of the service and offers different texts for each, with politics ranging from “revolutionary” to Zionist, and religious orientations that range from orthodox to explicitly secular.  More–and newer–texts are available at Haggadot.com.

Contrasting intepretations of religious doctrines are hardly peculiar to Judaism.  What’s particularly interesting here is that you don’t need to read theological tracts to see the debates played out.

And to see how important movements of the past century have taken on the religious and cultural text of explaining themselves and their visions in the context of traditions that data back thousands of years.  One outcome of feminism, for example, are passages read aloud at dinner tables across the country that were recovered or written by activists a few decades ago.

And, somehow, I think these stories matter: our understanding of the past shapes our visions and actions for the future.

 

 

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Constructing an image through protest

Protest works by engaging others in your struggle.  The first step is getting attention, and an arresting image (sometimes including arrest) is a way to do that.  This morning’s LA Times featured two such images; it got me thinking about the constructing of an image that travels–sometimes even globally.

Hooligans–or anti-gentrification activists–have been tipping Smart Cars in San Francisco.  It strikes me as hostile, aggressive, arresting, and even a little funny–for the moment.  Scanning the web you can find similar statements in other expensive cities.  You can find images of the cars tipped on any edge; in Amsterdam, cars have ended up in the canals.

Thus far, no one has claimed responsibility for these acts of vandalism in San Francisco, and the tipping hasn’t been tied to a set of remedies for high rents or boutique restaurants.  Might an aversion to tipping lead new urbanites to stay out altogether?  or to buy heavier less environmentally friendly cars?

In contrast, Students for Educational Reform, a national group with ties to charter school providers and a movement for school choice, placed 375 desks on Beaudry Street on the eve of an LA School Board meeting. The empty desks represent the number of students who drop out of LA public schools each week (LA Weekly report).  It’s a disturbing image.  Once they have your attention, they can draw your gaze to their other activities and perhaps their remedies, which include expanded choice of school charters.

Crafting the image is a start.  The car tippers and SFER created striking and stationary images to draw attention their message, SFER much more deliberately.  Often the powerful images of social movement conflicts come in conflict, evocatively described.  You know about the four freshmen at a Greensboro lunch counter and Rosa Parks refusing to surrender her seat on a bus, and if you can’t evoke their images, you’ll find them on this blog.  You know about radical Catholics pouring their own blood on missile nosecones, and anti-whaling campaigners paddling surfboards out to confront whaling ships.  You know about Lech Walesa organizing strikes of Polish shipworkers at Gdansk and Gandhi leading a long march to make salt.  And so much else.

The image crystallizes the conflict, drawing not only attention but also sympathy or concern.  They may often seem spontaneous, but clever activists think about the images, as well as the messages, they mean to send.

Of course, it’s not all in activist control.

Antiwar activists at Kent State placed flowers in the rifle barrels of National Guardsmen policing their protests.  This was the image they meant to project in 1970.  Far easier to find, however, are depictions of chaos and grief when the Guardsmen shot and killed four students.

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Cesar Chavez Day, 2014

The parking lot is deserted at the University of California, Irvine today; it’s a holiday to commemorate Cesar Chavez, and really, the farmworkers movement and Latinos in California.  I’m reposting my Cesar Chavez blog below.

There’s one additional wrinkle this year, a new movie released today conveniently titled, Cesar Chavez.

 

You can watch the trailer yourself.  Condensing any life, but especially a life as consequential and complicated as that of Cesar Chavez, into two hours means a lot of editing.  Narrative conventions, and the necessity of crafting a compelling story, mean that Chavez is credited for doing even more for the farmworkers movement than he actually did, and that other heroes and villains get edited out, condensed, or flattened.  Of course, this is even more true of the political context.

But if the film–or the day–gives occasion to learn a little bit more about our own rich and complicated history, well, that’s a great thing.  We want to remember that the day or the movie is just a start:

On my campus, we commemorated Cesar Chavez Day early, yesterday, rather than March 31 (his birthday), by closing.  The state established the holiday in 2000, and six other states have followed suit.  In California, the legislature calls upon public schools to develop appropriate curricula to teach about the farm labor movement in the United States, and particularly Chavez’s role in it.

A campaign to establish a national holiday has stalled so far (The Cesar Chavez National holiday website seems to have last been updated in 2008), but last year President Obama issued a proclamation announcing a day of commemoration, and calling upon all Americans “to observe this day with appropriate service, community, and education programs to honor Cesar Chavez’s enduring legacy.”

Political figures have many reasons for creating holidays, including remembering the past; identifying heroic models for the future; recognizing and cultivating a political constituency; and providing an occasion to appreciate a set of values.  Regardless of the original meaning, the holidays take on new meanings over time.  Columbus Day, for example, is celebrated as an occasion for pride in Italian Americans (e.g.), and commemorated and mourned as a symbol of genocide  and empire (e.g.).

Cesar Chavez’s life and work is well worth remembering and considering, particularly now.  His career as a crusader was far longer than that of Martin Luther King discussed (here and here) and he was far more of an organizer than Fred Korematsu (discussed here).  Chavez’s Medal of Freedom was awarded shortly after his death in 1993, by President Clinton, but many of his accomplishments were apparent well before then.

Dolores Huerta, 2009

As a young man, Chavez was an agricultural worker; by his mid-twenties, he became a civil rights organizer, working for the Community Service Organization in California.  With Dolores Huerta, in 1962 Chavez founded the National Farm Workers Association, which later became the United Farm Workers.  Focusing on poor, mostly Mexican-American workers, Chavez’s vision for activism was right at the cornerstone of racial and economic justice.  Establishing an organization, however, is a long way from winning recognition and bargaining rights as a union.

Chavez was a tactician, a public figure, a charismatic, and something of a mystic.  Modeling his efforts after Gandhi’s successful campaigns, Chavez was an emphatic practitioner of active nonviolence.  He employed boycotts, strikes, long fasts, demonstrations, long marches, and religious rhetoric in the service of his cause.  He also registered voters, lobbied, and worked in political campaigns.  He was a tireless and very effective organizer for most of his life.

But holidays are best celebrated with an eye to the future, rather than the past.

On Cesar Chavez Day this year, we can think about the large and growing Latino community in the United States.  The 2010 Census reports that Latinos now comprise roughly 1/6 of the American population, and more than 1/3 of the population in California. This is the youngest and fastest-growing population in America today, and they are severely underrepresented in the top levels of politics, education, and the economy.   The civil rights map is at least as complicated as at any time in American history, but not less important or urgent.  (The struggle about the DREAM Act is reminiscent of the debate about Voting Rights 45 years ago.)  The future of American Latinos is very much the future of America.

And Chavez saw the civil rights struggle as a labor campaign.  When Chavez and Huerta started their campaign, nearly one third of Americans were represented by unions.  The percentage now is now just about 10 percent, and less in the private sector.

And public sector workers, even if represented by unions aren’t doing so well.  The ongoing conflict in Wisconsin is all about weakening unions that are already making very large concessions on wages and pensions.  The campaign in Wisconsin is part of a larger national effort, which is playing out in Indiana, Ohio, Florida, and elsewhere.  Even in states where anti-union forces are weaker, state employees face lay-offs, wage cuts, and increased health and pension costs.  Importantly, we need to remember that you can’t attack teachers, nurses, police officers, and firefighters without hurting the people they serve: us.

Or should I say, US?

Cesar Chavez’s birthday is an opportune time for thinking about Latinos, civil rights, and American labor, and not just the start of Spring.

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Politics of Protest, 2nd edition

I’m happy to announce that Oxford University Press has just published the second edition of The Politics of Protest: Social Movements in America.

It’s really a new book, including discussion of things I’ve learned in the last seven years and the range of events that have taken place over that time.  The new edition includes a fuller discussion of media, including social media, which eluded me the first time through.  There’s also a recognition of some of the signal movements of recent years, including the gay and lesbian movements’ successful campaigns for open service and same sex marriage, the struggle between anti-immigrant and immigrant rights movements, the Tea Party, and Occupy Wall Street.

I’m happy about it and ready to talk!  (I’m particularly eager to talk about the movie rights.)

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Korematsu Day, institutionalizing commemoration

Korematsu Day is celebrated today, and I repost the entry from the first Korematsu Day in 2011. The formal inclusion of commemoration in our calendar is a mixed blessing.  On one hand, it marks a terrible period in our nation’s history and recalls a destructive and explicitly racist policy of relocation.  It’s worth remembering.  On the other hand, it almost suggests that we’re beyond all of it today; we’re not.

Today Californians celebrate the first Fred Korematsu Day of Civil Liberties and the Constitution.  Represented by the American Civil Liberties Union, Korematsu challenged the constitutionality of relocating and interning Japanese Americans during World War II.  Three Supreme Court Justices agreed with him; six did not, finding that the emergency of a World War justified allowing Congress to put civil liberties on the back burner (Korematsu v. US, 1944).

Korematsu’s challenge exacerbated rifts within the Japanese American community; large organizations like the Japanese American Citizen’s League were eager to prove their patriotism by cooperating with internment.

Maybe the arc of history really does bend toward justice; it’s certainly long.  In 1980, President Jimmy Carter established a commission to investigate the internment of Japanese Americans during the war; in 1983, Korematsu’s conviction was vacated.   In 1988, Congress apologized to the Japanese Americans for the internment, and the government paid (modest) compensation to those interned.  In 1998, President Clinton awarded Korematsu the Presidential Medal of Freedom.  More than fifty years later, we recognized courage and heroism in what we first saw as a crime.

We should derive more benefit from the vindication of Fred Korematsu more than he did.  To do so, we need to draw lessons from the cause and the case that extend beyond Japanese Americans in World War II.  This means, I think, paying close attention to discrimination on the basis of race justified by appeals to national security.

We should tell Fred Korematsu’s story in New York City, where the construction of an Islamic Center in lower Manhattan draws opposition.  We should recall the history in Arizona, when the state passes a law mandating that police demand proof of citizenship from people who look like they might be undocumented.

And we should all think about how people learn.  California Attorney General Earl Warren pressed for interning Japanese Americans immediately after Pearl Harbor, arguing that their presence in California represented a threat to civilian defense.  Thirteen years later, as Chief Justice of the US Supreme Court, Warren organized the Court to issue unanimous decisions prohibiting racial segregation in the public schools.  I want to think he learned from the past, including his own past.

Apparently, one of the justices Earl Warren had to persuade was Robert Jackson, one of the three dissenters in Korematsu.  In dissent, Jackson wrote:

But once a judicial opinion rationalizes such an order to show that it conforms to the Constitution, or rather rationalizes the Constitution to show that the Constitution sanctions such an order, the Court for all time has validated the principle of racial discrimination in criminal procedure and of transplanting American citizens. The principle then lies about like a loaded weapon, ready for the hand of any authority that can bring forward a plausible claim of an urgent need.

Justice Jackson took a leave of absence from the Court to serve as as the chief US prosecutor during the Nuremberg war crimes trials, putting him in a very good position to think about a government’s use of race politics as a means of mobilization during moments of crisis.

Perhaps Korematsu Day will be an occasion for fireworks and picnics one day.  Today, it seems like a good time for reflection.

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Celebrate Pete Seeger

Pete Seeger died on Monday at 94.  He had a long and full life, one that touched many other people and helped carry many causes.  We had the good fortune that he outlived many of his (many) enemies who would surely have had interesting responses to his induction into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame or his Kennedy Center honors.

Pete Seeger appeared virtually everywhere on the American left over the last seventy years or so.  When he showed up to sing in lower Manhattan at Occupy Wall Street, I posted some thoughts here.

A couple of things I didn’t say, but probably should have:

Pete Seeger was a very accomplished musician, particularly as a banjo player and designer.

Pete Seeger did everything he could to bring exposure to others, including activists and musicians.  In 1967 he hosted Rainbow Quest, a PBS music show, and provided a forum for a wide range of musicians, including Sonny Terry and Brownie McGhee, Buffy Sainte-Marie, Jean Ritchie, Malvina Reynolds, Judy Collins, Doc Watson, Rev. Gary Davis, and Donovan–and many others.

Pete Seeger was also an extremely effective organizer and institution-builder.  He was a founder of Sing Out!, the important folk song/activist magazine, which has continued for more than 60 years–now online, and the Clearwater foundation, which includes a sloop, a festival, and an activist community in the Hudson Valley of New York.

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Tea Party State of the Union response

After President Barack Obama gives his State of the Union address on Tuesday night, and after Rep. Cathy McMorris Rodgers (from Washington state) gives the Republican response, Senator Mike Lee (Republican from Utah) will give the Tea Party response.  Senator Lee’s response, live-streamed on the web, won’t get the same television exposure as the other two, but it’s likely to make plenty of news.  (Rep. Michele Bachmann’s skewed Tea Party response in 2011 generated more attention that the presidential address, and more comedy; I say “skewed” because Rep. Bachmann mostly stared at the wrong camera.)

It’s not exactly the Tea Party that’s sponsoring Senator Lee, but the one of the largest Tea Party groups, the Tea Party Express, which has a sharp electoral orientation.  If there was grassroots consultation or any kind of formal process associated with picking Senator Lee (or Bachmann in 2011 or Herman Cain in 2012 or Senator Rand Paul last year), it’s not evident, not even the web-based voting major league sports employ to stoke interest in their all-star games.  The leaders of the Tea Party Express caucused and decided Senator Lee would be an effective spokesman.  Chairwoman Amy Kremer explained that “Senator Mike Lee has been both a tea-party hero for supporters across the nation, and a conservative leader in the upper chamber. He has introduced tangible policy solutions to some of America’s biggest problems.”  (Apparently, Senator Lee was last year’s first choice as well, but passed on the opportunity.)

Whatever the speaking slot has done for the movement, it’s not clear it’s helped the speakers.

The more important point, however, is the process of institutionalizing a Tea Party voice in the ritual of the State of the Union address.  The State of the Union itself, suggested in the Constitution, was routinely mailed into Congress until President Woodrow Wilson (tea party villain) decided to deliver the speech in person.  Now tradition and ritual dominate public attention for a week, beginning with speculation and ending with analysis.

Doubling the critical response, just in the last couple of years and just because the Tea Party Express decided to do it, alters the dynamics.  The Republican response can be echoed–or undermined–by the Tea Party alternative.  That alternative creeps into the news, generating respect or ridicule.  And Tea Party officials can jockey to promote themselves on the Tea Party line.  The group will claim its 5-15 minutes, and then attention moves on.  Institutionalization and routine reserves attention, but it also bounds it.  It remains to be seen whether this media moment helps or hurts the movement as a whole; certainly, it will go a long way in defining it.

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The March for Life and the risks and rewards of institutionalization

Many abortion opponents showed up for the annual March for Life in Washington, DC this past week, commemorating (mourning) the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision that established abortion rights across the United States.

I don’t know how many; the Park Service stopped providing crowd estimates years ago and organizers always inflate their claims (>500,000?) [on the demonstration numbers game, see], but certainly there were at least tens of thousands–and a somewhat smaller number of abortion rights demonstrators.  Because it was cold and snowy, and because it was the 41st March for Life (not the 40th), everyone seems to agree that last year’s march was even bigger.  The March is there every year, with crowds that vary according to weather, organizing efforts, and the political salience of abortion.

The March for Life was most extensively covered by supporters this year (e.g., Warren Mass in The New American; access to the Internet allows well-organized groups like the March to post their own accounts as well, highlighting the supportive tweet from Pope Francis)  Mainstream media coverage seemed to range from standard (local media did best: The Washington Post offered an article and pictures, as did Politico) to somewhat less (The New York Times offered only a picture with a caption).

Why?  Maybe it was the weather? Even The Christian Post used pictures from 2013, but there are other issues, some discussed in The Times‘ Public Editor’s (Margaret Sullivan) column.  The March for Life is a big, well-established group with a substantial professional staff.  It organizes and raises money all year for this event, and succeeds at generating some kind of substantial turnout each year.  This year’s theme, adoption, didn’t represent a new set of arguments or policy demands, just a continuation of a decades-long campaign.  It lacks the novelty or uncertainty of the kind of news that attracts extensive coverage.  Mainstream media were more comfortable, in more ways than one, covering the March in the context of the almost completely partisanized debate about abortion rights.  This means quoting elected officials and speculating on electoral implications.

The irony is that because the March has institutionalized so effectively, reliably turning out large crowds each year, those crowds and those efforts get less attention.

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Martin Luther King Day (2014)

(This is a repost of the MLKing Day holiday note,  with an added image–at right–from the Mall in Washington, DC.  Have a good holiday.)

Martin Luther King died young enough and dramatically enough to be turned into an American hero, but it was neither his youth nor his death that made him heroic.

In his rather brief public life, beginning in Montgomery at 26, and ending with his assassination at 39, King consistently displayed rhetorical brilliance (on the podium and the page), strategic acumen, and moral and physical courage.

The effort to honor Martin Luther King with a holiday commemorating his birthday started at the King Center, in Atlanta, in the year after his assassination.  States began to follow suit, and by 1983, more than half celebrated King’s life with a day.  In that year, Ronald Reagan signed a bill making Martin Luther King day a national holiday expressing ambivalence, acknowledging that it was costly, and that King may have been a Communist.

The King holiday was about Martin Luther King, to be sure, but it was meant to represent far more than the man.  King stands in for the civil rights movement and for African-American history more generally.  I often wonder if the eloquence of the 1963 “I have a dream” speech winds up obscuring not only a man with broader goals, but a much more contested–and ambitious–movement.

The man and the movement are ossified into an iconic image, like a statue, which locks King and the movement into the politics of 1963-1965.  We accept King’s dream, that little children will play together, and that people will be judged by “the content of their character” (a favorite phrase on the right).

The image, like a statue, is available for appropriation to advocates of all political stripes, and the establishment of the holiday itself represents an achievement of the civil rights movement, winning the holiday if not broader economic and social equality.

Before the transformation of the man into an icon, King transformed himself from a pastor into an activist, a peripatetic crusader for justice.

But the pastor didn’t disappear; rather this role grew into something larger, as King himself transformed himself from a minister into a an Old Testament prophet, one whose primary concern was always the people on the margins, the widows and orphans, the poor and hungry.  In standing with those on the margins, King courageously used–and risked–the advantages of his privilege, pedigree, and education.  He also knew that he risked his safety and his life.

In his writing, King used his education and his vocation to support his political goals.  In the critically important “Letter from a Birmingham Jail,” he cited both the Constitution and the Bible in support of Federal intervention in local politics to support desegregation and human rights.  (We know that other activists now use the same sources to justify pushing the Federal government out of local politics.)

King explained that he was in jail in Birmingham, Alabama, because he had nonviolently defied local authorities in the service of higher laws, the Constitution and the Gospel.  This was not like making a provocative statement on one’s own [profitable] radio or television show.  There were real costs and severe risks.

King was never less than controversial during his life, under FBI surveillance during his political career, and vigorously criticized by opponents (for demanding too much and too strongly) and allies (for not demanding more, more vigorously).

When he was assassinated outside a Memphis motel in 1968, he was standing with sanitation workers on strike, straying from a simpler civil rights agenda.  He had also alienated some civil rights supporters by coming out, strongly, against the war in Vietnam.  And Black Power activists saw their own efforts as overtaking King’s politics and rhetoric.  By the time he was killed, Martin Luther King’s popular support had been waning for some time.

Posterity has rescued an image of Martin Luther King, at the expense of the man’s own broader political vision.

Ironically, in elevating an insurgent to a position in America’s pantheon of historic heroes, we risk editing out the insurgency.

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Thanks to Franklin McCain

Franklin McCain died at the age of 73, another chance for the rest of us to appreciate his commitment and courage, and to say thank you to remind ourselves of what’s possible.

McCain was one of the four freshmen (not those four freshmen) at North Carolina Agricultural and Technical College who decided to desegregate the South one Sunday night in 1960.  Along with Ezell Blair, Jr., Joseph McNeil, and David Richmond, McCain sat in at a lunch counter in Woolworth’s on Monday morning, sparking the imagination of activists across the country.  They were determined to stay until they were served, and over the next few days, hundreds joined them, starting in Greensboro and spreading across the South.  (Find all of their biographies here.)

The story always astounds me, and I don’t think it really can be told too often (see here, here, and here, just for Politics Outdoors.)  The civil rights movement was certainly already well underway, and had a few significant victories, but Jim Crow segregation still dominated the South.

The Greensboro sit-in is the moment in Franklin McCain’s life that will appear in our history books, but it’s a substantial and significant life, worth noting beyond the world of his friends and family (please see Nancy McLaughlin’s piece in the local paper, the  News and Record.)

A few notes:

Franklin McCain was certainly a radical in 1960, but like his colleagues, he was determined to show that he was also a patriot, wearing his ROTC uniform when he entered Woolworth’s.  Coming from a relatively advantaged background–for an African-American man in 1960-he thought he had the obligation to do more than talk about civil rights and put his body on the line for his beliefs.  He also was not unduly optimistic about the chances of the sit-in working, but believed that he had a moral obligation to do something.

And his life extended well beyond the sit-in that day–or week–in February 1960.  He was a committed activist, but a professional scientist.  After graduating from college with a chemistry degree, he married Bettye Davis, another activist–who died just last year.  They had three sons and seven grandchildren.  McCain had a successful career working for the Celanese corporation as a chemist and product representative.  He also continued to speak and organize throughout his life, reflecting not only on the sit-in phase of the civil rights movement, but on the activism of young people for years afterward.  He encouraged rhetorically as well as by his example.  Elaine Woo’s LA Times obit ends:

“Never ask for permission to start a revolution,” he told college students in Ohio a few years ago. “If there is something you want or need to do … just do it.”

Franklin McCain was exceptional, and a real American hero, but there are many like him.

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