Moral choices to resist generally come unannounced

The Trump Resistance I featured large numbers of people who went out of their way to confront legal and moral threats. Millions turned out for demonstrations, when they could have stayed at home. Thousands braved traffic or mass transit to mass on airports, demonstrating against the “Muslim Ban” and even offering free legal services to travelers caught in the chaos. They jumped into Resistance they could have easily ignored.

Most of the time most of us can get through our days without having to feel a sense of moral courage or compromise. We work, eat, and sleep, doing our best to navigate the world as it is. Even talk of politics is an add-on, not always connected to day-to-day routines.

But sometimes individuals are faced with an explicit choice about whether to contest injustice, or to comply with authorities. Donald Trump and his Administration have vigorously forced the issue, demanding explicit compliance, often wrapped in extraneous flattery. Recognizing the moment of Resistance and taking risks or losses to do what’s right may look obvious in retrospect, but refusing to comply is never easy or simple.

The University administrators forced to explain away the policies they may have endorsed weeks earlier surely never expected this sort of moment. It shouldn’t be surprising that it’s easier to genuflect to Trump and hope to keep federal dollars coming into the school. Compliance, usually quiet, is what we should expect.

When an individual recognizes the chance to compromise themselves and opts not to do so, it should provide a bit of inspiration to the rest of us–and it happens–sometimes at great cost to the resister. Most of Trump’s early Republican critics renounced their initial evaluations of an orange menace, and were able to flatter their way back into their leader’s good graces, even when it means revising political commitments on short notice. The relative few who did not retreat (e.g., Justin Amash, Jeff Flake, Bob Corker, Liz Cheney, Adam Kinzinger, Mitt Romney) are now way out of politics, living cautions to everyone else about the costs of resistance.

But people continue to resist, often at a serious cost. Danielle Sassoon, Acting Assistant US Attorney for the Southern District of New York, was far along in developing a high flying conservative legal career. But she refused to sign a motion to dismiss a corruption case against New York Mayor Eric Adams, when asked to do so. The obvious and easy thing to have done would be to sign. Sassoon, explicitly considering her professional oath and obligations, resigned instead, writing a long letter to explain why. A member of the Federalist Society, with degrees from Harvard and Yale, and two prestigious clerkships with conservative jurists (J. Harvie Wilkinson and Antonin Scalia), she was putting a lot on the line–but she was also extremely well-positioned to survive even in exile from the Trumpians. Seven young lawyers in the Department of Justice joined her, but there’s always someone willing to do the dirty deed. As Hagan Scotten, one of the lawyers who quit rather than comply, put it:

“Any assistant U.S. attorney would know that our laws and traditions do not allow using the prosecutorial power to influence other citizens, much less elected officials. If no lawyer within earshot of the President is willing to give him that advice, then I expect you will eventually find someone who is enough of a fool, or enough of a coward, to file your motion. But it was never going to be me.”

Every act of resistance–or visible compliance–matters, affecting how hard it is for the next person in line to resist. Sassoon, Scotten, and their colleagues exercised their responsibility with enough integrity–and flare–to make it a little less scary and difficult for someone else to violate their professional obligations in the service of fealty to the Trump Administration.

Don’t expect all lawyers to follow the model.

Trump has forced similar choices upon the largest, richest, and most prestigious law firms, issuing orders to punish three large firms, Paul Weiss, Perkins Coie, and Covington and Burling for offenses that would best be descried as normal legal work for people Trump doesn’t like. Trump’s orders stripped security clearances, banning firms from government contracts, and restricting lawyers in the firms from entering designated federal buildings. All of this makes it harder–or impossible–for the firms to represent some of their clients.

Perkins Coie and Covington and Burling have signaled resistance, with an endorsement from the American Bar Association. Perkins Coie engaged representation from another large firm, Williams and Connolly, and filed a suit against the government. Now Williams also risks Trump’s wrath and wary clients’ flight. Perkins is also posting updates from the case on its website, along with an explanation for its decision. A long expensive and difficult fight now looms.

But Paul Weiss cut a deal with Trump, who reversed the Executive Order affecting the firm in exchange for the promise of $40 million dollars of pro bono services for causes that Trump cares about. Trump rescinded the strictures on the firm.

To be sure, fighting Trump’s initiatives is costly. Some clients will leave or be turned away, and managing partners care about the financial health of their massive firms, hundreds of lawyers and many more other employees.

Other large firms are watching the pressures and the choices as they make their own decisions about taking sides. Some have issued statements of support for Perkins, the traditional obligations of attorneys, and the rule of law–even acknowledging that resistance may have costs. Anna Bower, an editor at Lawfare, has maintained a thread of BigLaw acts of resistance. Meanwhile, Trump has targeted other firms for a shakedown.

It’s a fright night Halloween scene. If you knock on one door and get candy, you’ll keep walking and knocking until stopped.

Choices matter. Recognizing that there are choices is the first critical step.

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When victims try to bargain

Columbia University’s surrender to the Trump Administration’s initial demands was unsurprising; its enthusiasm in raising the White flag was. Columbia’s administration announced a raft of new policies on free speech, student discipline, admissions, and academic administration, all in hopes of recovering some of the $400 million the Trump administration holds hostage. The concessions are unlikely to work for Columbia, although they’re sure to encourage the Trump Administration to broaden its own attack.

Columbia’s concession was always the most likely response. Faculty, students, and funders split on many of the immediate issues, as well as an appropriate response to being bullied, and $400 million–the initial cut–is a lot of money. (Apparently, the exact sum represented the amount Trump believed the university had cost him in a failed real estate deal.) Resisting would have been divisive, expensive, and time-consuming; depending on judicial vindication and remedy takes a long time and is never a sure bet. It would have required a commitment to principle and tolerance for confrontation that would get in the way of advancement in any career in academic administration.

Of course, there’s been plenty of blowback from other academics–although not, as yet, many university presidents. Some prospective students and professors blessed with choices will announce their personal rejection of Columbia, while the Trump administration, observing a conspicuous flinch across the bargaining table, will up its demands. Indeed, The New York Times quotes a Department of Justice lawyer involved with the case that the university will have to clean up its act in order to get funding again, noting “They’re not even close, not even close to having those funds unfrozen.”

On the other hand, the Trump Administration, buoyed by the humiliation of one Ivy League University, has extended its battle down the Northeast corridor to take on another, announcing a pause in a somewhat more modest $175 million in funds due the University of Pennsylvania. (Apparently, Trump wasn’t trying to sell real estate in Philadelphia.)

The Trump Administration’s ask of Penn isn’t quite so clear. Trump has, however, announced that he’s still angry Penn fielded a transgender swimmer, Lia Thomas, on its women’s team. The controversy about Thomas’s participation made a big splash at the NCAA championship meet in 2022, when she won the 500 yard freestyle, exposing a previously undiscovered audience for women’s swimming.

For what it’s worth, Thomas was in compliance with NCAA rules at the time; so was Penn. Since then, Thomas has graduated and the NCAA has revised its rules. As far as I know, Penn isn’t fielding transgender women in any NCAA sport. What’s being punished now? Still, the legacy of the conflict has its own ongoing impact. Riley Gaines, an accomplished swimmer beaten by Thomas in a big race, was particularly visible in calling Penn and the NCAA out, and translated her efforts into a paid position as a conservative Christian provocateur. She’s nurturing her own political future. (By the way, there were even more accomplished women swimmers who supported Thomas.)

History remains a burden. Without a time machine, Penn can’t comply with Trump’s concerns. Of course, I appreciate the urge to rectify institutional sins of the past. I note that some universities, including Brown and Georgetown, have undertaken reparations efforts for their profits from slavery. Both of those programs look very much like effective DEI efforts that the Trump administration wants to end. What makes the 2022 500 Freestyle championship different?

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Columbia University negotiates with terrorists: The Trump Administration

Taking hostages is an act of terror. Kidnappers hold more and less innocents to gain attention, extort money, and bully others into doing something they don’t want to do. Taking hostages is morally reprehensible and widely recognized as a war crime.

To punish Columbia University and intimidate institutions of researchers, scholars, and students, the Trump administration cancelled $400 million of grants and contracts. Like virtually all research universities, Columbia, depends on grant funding to support its extensive research efforts, as well as the underlying infrastructure that supports research. Although some researchers need little more than time and a good library, lab scientists spend a lot of money on labor (students, postdoctoral felloows, and technicians), equipment (like microscopes and cell counters), and supplies (like gloves). Because lab science costs so much more than anything happening in humanities and social sciences, Columbia’s medical school appears to have taken the biggest hits. Note, however, that the medical school is a subway ride of about two miles north of the main campus–where all the protest took place.

I couldn’t find a list of the canceled research grants, but some scientists posted anguished post-mortems of their projects on maternal mortality, diabetes, or fibroid tumors. I assume the scientists whose research has been taken hostage–if they think about the Middle East at all–hold a broad variety of political opinions. But their culpability is far less important than their vulnerability; without federal monies, jobs are lost and research stalls. Even a limited interruption risks the development of knowledge and the careers of young scientists. Researchers who spent hours and years competing for grants, want their money back and their work to resume. Of course. And Columbia wants the scientists back at the lab bench generating knowledge and indirect costs.

The Trump administration recognizes that it can punish scientists to coerce university administrations to do what they want–mostly, punishing student protesters. The administration describes the offense as antisemitism, but it’s very clear that Donald Trump wants to still pro-Palestinian activism and, more generally, any opposition to his rule. Moreover, the Administration is more than willing to punish third (and fourth and fifth) parties for what it sees as Columbia’s crimes. Standing up for scientific progress within the Administration is an obvious non-starter.

University administrators are among the least likely resisters to the this kind of punishment. A college president’s job is all about mediating differences among student, faculty, and funder constituencies. Presidents must entertain–and be entertained by–would-be funders of medical research, studies of all corners of the world, buildings, and financial aid for students–and so much else. The cultivation of ostensibly arcane knowledge plays poorly in populist politics.

Still, Columbia’s quiescent caving was striking, if understandable.

If Columbia ever wants research money again, the Administration explained, there’s a lot to be done. A letter signed by representatives of the General Services Administration, the Department of Education, and the Department of Health and Human Services issued a set of demands that included harsh and specific punishments of disruptive student protesters, as well as moving campus discipline from a judicial board to the president’s office. The Administration also called for unspecified admissions reforms and putting the the Department of Middle East, South Asian, and African Studies under academic receivership for a minimum of five years. If all of this is done, and quickly, the Administration announced, they would be willing to discuss next steps to allow the University to “return…to its original mission of innovative research and academic excellence.”

Columbia University followed quickly with announcements of expulsions and multi-year suspensions for students associated with the occupation of Hamilton Hall, as well as the revocation of some degrees, unusually harsh penalties, with more to come. Specific punishments for particular student offenses are not public–which is appropriate. (Try to find Donald Trump’s college transcript!) But Columbia clearly communicated to it would jump in response to the Administration’s orders–and vigorously. All of this is understandable–and wrong. (A group of five political science professors explained that the Administration could do better in explaining the consequences of quiescence.)

The problem with negotiating with kidnappers is that you encourage more kidnapping.

The Trump administration will keep demanding more until, at least, the demands stop working. The Department of Education sent letters to 60 other prominent schools, announcing unspecified investigations that could lead to unspecified but easily imaginable punishments. Don’t expect university presidents to lead the resistance.

Last weekend, the New York Times published alarmed and eloquent defenses of American universities by David French and Meghan O’Rourke. The Times urged defenders of academia “to be bolder about trumpeting its strengths and to be more reflective about addressing its weaknesses.” 

It’s going to take a lot more than that.

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Examples and education for higher ed and the rest of us

The Trump administration was very clear that Mahmoud Khalil was an example; ICE officers arrested, jailed, and planned deportation to teach everyone else a lesson. The government intends to deport Khalil, a legal permanent resident (green card), because he had been visible in representing the volatile pro-Palestine, anti-Gaza destruction, encampment at Columbia University.

Khalil, armed with a newly awarded Master of Public Administration degree, isn’t a particularly dangerous threat, but he is a powerful example. Unlike other student activists, Khalil isn’t accused of harassing anyone or destroying property, or of breaking Columbia’s rules or US laws. He did, however, criticize support of Israel’s Gaza War. He’s being punished not for what he did, but for why he did it.

This is a potent message.

Encampments opposing Israel’s policies appeared on more than 100 college and university campuses during the war, disrupting normal routines to draw attention to horrific destruction. Opposing Israeli policies isn’t anti-Semitic–despite what some have argued–but there were certainly expressions of anti-Semitism from within and around some of the protests.

The Trump administration doesn’t want those protests, expressed opposition to its grand plans for a beach resort cleared of Palestinians on the narrow Gaza Strip, or any visible action against the administration. By dispensing with basic free speech protections and any due process, it’s sending that message to everyone–particularly to immigrant and student activists.

Set the context: Remember, Trump pardoned and commuted sentences of more than 1,500 January 6 insurgents–people who had been convicted or plead guilty to actual crimes, including violent action against police officers. It’s not what they did that earned them pardons, but why they did it–to support Donald Trump. And Trump also pardoned people who were jailed for blockading abortion clinics. Again, for this Administration, support for the Trump coalition functions as a get-out-of-jail-free card.

This is also a potent message.

The basic principle underlying free speech is that advocacy of unpopular causes doesn’t constitute criminal conduct, and a cause favored by a powerful figure doesn’t justify vandalism or assault, much less greater crimes.

All of this means that Khalil’s case should be the concern of anyone who cares about the Constitution and civil liberties. Mahmoud Khalil serves as a canary in the coal mine; his persecution is a signal and a symptom of a comprised democracy.

Columbia University is a somewhat bigger canary. (More to come)

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Strategizing an Opposition in Trump II

I get more calls from journalists in turbulent political times, generally when there’s interest in figuring out viable political and protest strategies.

In the last week or so, I’ve commented on a consumer boycott announced by a thus far marginal character who started a new organization. That’s on Marketplace https://www.marketplace.org/2025/02/28/peoples-union-usa-economic-blackout-boycott/

The fact that the sketchy People’s Union effort got so much attention pretty clearly shows that many people are interesting in finding a way to fight back against destructive and anti-democratic policies coming from the Trump administration.

Working scientists are also trying to find ways to fight for their work, as noted in a thoughtful article in Nature https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-025-00661-8, which includes my comments. Scientists haven’t generally done a very good job in advocating for the scientific work of producing knowledge. Maybe this time will be different.

I’d add that there’s a long history of some scientists as individuals and through organized groups, weighing in on the political issues of the moment. Here’s a few:

The Federation of American Scientists, founded in the wake of the first use of nuclear weapons (1945), continues to advocate for arms control and disarmament, as well as a range of other issues.

The Union of Concerned Scientists, founded at MIT in 1969, in no small part to oppose the Vietnam War, has established a consistent presence on the political landscape and engaged a wide range of issues, including nuclear weapons and nuclear power.

Much more recently, Scientist Rebellion, first active in 2021, has worked to get scientists–often in their lab coats–out into the streets to take direct action and exercise political influence on climate in particular.

There are many others.

And Der Spiegel has just published a long interview with me about organizing and effective tactics for political influence. It features a comparison of the protests against Trump I and the prospects for protest against Trump II. I can’t understand my comments in German, but I’m going to assume that they’re filled with insight and wit.

I will write more about all these issues in this space.

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Search for a Strategy: Protest Plus

The iconic image of a social movement is the mass demonstration, and American history is littered with plenty of them, representing causes, good and bad. Washington, DC is a magnet for mass demonstrations, and the Resistance to Trump I was marked by the largest one-day demonstration in history, the Women’s March, and a parade of more focused demonstrations on climate, science, immigration, reproductive rights, and more.

Across the country, we’ve seen demonstrations against Trump and against a range of provocative, often dangerous, policies. Last week, organizers staged public protests in all 50 states, but the news has been dominated by the offenses of the Administration. And, at least so far, the Trump Resistance II hasn’t generated the numbers and pictures of Resistance I.

But the mass protest is just one social movement tactic. Big demonstrations are easier to see and count than most other tactics, and the colorful drama they create makes for good, very simplified, stories about movements and social change. Historians and social scientists can’t miss them, unlike much less visible events in church basements and around kitchen tables. Effective movements don’t always stage such demonstrations, however, and even a series of big demonstrations isn’t enough to change the world. Notably, Trump Resistance I and Occupy stiffened the spines of Democratic Party politicians, and altered mainstream political discourse, but they didn’t win much. More notably, the massive demonstrations of the Arab Spring achieved none of the democratic reforms protesters demanded.

Effective movements don’t always stage big demonstrations, and they always do more than demonstrate. Wave I and Wave II feminists staged parades and demonstrations, but the smaller meetings where women shared grievances and activist strategies animated longer-lasting commitments. Abortion rights activists, often against the law, provided referrals and services. Racist nationalists built and protected enclaves safe for their rhetoric and insulated from outsiders. Many campaigns work to create in miniature the kind of society they want to live in, adopting different language, diets, or lifestyles. Anti-immigrant protesters ceremoniously patrolled pieces of the border, while their opponents left water in the desert for migrants walking. Al Gore promoted climate change activism by giving Keynote talks virtually anyplace that would have him. Virtually all movements engage in public education, promoting research (sometimes serious, sometimes scurrilous) to demonstrate the urgency of their concerns and paths forward. Advocates file lawsuits, make movies, write books, and give talks. They mobilize the law and change public opinion. And effective movements in the United States engage mainstream politics, circulating petitions, recruiting and supporting candidates, and pressuring elected officials.

Alas, there isn’t a magic recipe that guarantees visibility, much less policy influence. Strategies develop out of the resources and beliefs of activists, as well as available opportunities and the nature of grievances. The kinds of dramatic sit-ins that characterized periods of civil rights and labor activism make less sense now.

Before social media, large demonstrations grew out of lots of local organizing. That’s less true now, but the need for local organizing for everything else remains. Watch the small demonstrations, the lobbying and the filibusters, and the specific forms of resistance to each Trump initiative as a more complicated story emerges.

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Greensboro Sit-in anniversary–and a few thoughts on tactics;

Today marks the anniversary of the start of the sit-in campaign in Greensboro, North Carolina. I’m always moved and encouraged by the audacity of those young men. The original post appears below, but there is more to say:

The sitters-in found an effective strategy to engage activists with long term commitments to racial justice and others new to the struggle. Their targets for action were local, even as the campaign and the movement had even broader aspirations. By interrupting segregation where it was enforced, the young activists drew attention to their core grievances while showing what a desegregated society might look like. They also applied economic pressures to local merchants who were, mostly, poorly positioned to withstand it.

Learning from the past is essential, but it doesn’t mean replicating the tactics and slogans of successful campaigns 65 years ago. Finding the site where civil service protections are being dismantled or a place to confront racist rhetoric of a president is more complicated–because decisions about the exercise of power is often distant from the implementation of those decisions. We can take inspiration from the sitters-in, to be sure, but our lessons should focus on the ways in which their choices lined up with the conditions they were protesting. It’s not easy or automatic.

The anniversary is also a great reminder of the important leadership roles that young people have played in making social movements and social change. It’s particularly relevant when we’ve seen young people at the front lines, innovating, in the campaigns for gun safety, action on climate change, and –still–racial justice.

Woolworth sit-in

There was once a store called Woolworths.  It sold dry goods, mostly cheap stuff, including paper and pencils. Many Woolworths also housed a cheap restaurant where you could get coffee and a grilled cheese sandwich, also cheap. Fifty-three (65!) years ago today, a Woolworths in Greensboro, North Carolina, was the site of a new phase in the civil rights movement, the beginning of the sit-in campaign.

On Monday morning, February 1, 1960, Ezell Blair, Jr., Franklin McCain, Joseph McNeil, and David Richmond, wearing their best clothes, went shopping at the Woolworths, bought some school supplies, then sat down at the lunch counter and tried to order coffee. The four young men, freshmen at North Carolina Agricultural and Technical College, knew the store wouldn’t serve food to black people, so they waited. Woolworths shut the lunch counter down.

The next day, black and white students filled the lunch counter at Woolworths, and by the end of the week, every lunch counter in downtown Greensboro was filled with students protesting segregation–and organizing a boycott of the downtown businesses that practiced segregation.  Over the next weeks, sit-ins spread across the segregated South, led by student activists.

The four freshmen, no not the singing group, had all been active in the NAACP’s youthcouncil, but none of them saw the large organization as a good foundation for a more activist and confrontational phase in the civil rights struggle.

Ella Baker https://ellabakercenter.org/who-was-ella-baker/

Pushed by the heroic Ella Baker, the NAACP launched an initiative to create a new student-based civil rights organization, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), which staged dramatic education and direct action campaigns across the South for most of the rest of the decade.

Today is a great day to commemorate the sit-in movement, but anniversaries can be slippery.  When I tell the story to my classes, I usually start with the long Sunday night conversation when the brave young men talked themselves into action. You could start the story much earlier, with the sit-ins organized by the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) organized decades earlier, or with the sit-down strikes organized by the Industrial Workers of the World at the start of the 20th century, even before the founding of the NAACP.  You could also start the story with the Montgomery Bus Boycott and Rosa Parks, or the Brown v. Board of Education decision in 1954. The Greensboro students knew all those stories.

Anniversaries help us remember important events and twists in history, but they invariably simplify longer and more complicated stories. The drama of the Greensboro sit-in makes for a good entry into thinking about the civil rights movement, and into thinking about how regular people sometimes make history. The names of Baker, Blair, McCain, McNeil, and Richmond are not particularly well-known today, not like those of Rosa Parks, Martin Luther King, John Lewis (who would later lead SNCC), or Thurgood Marshall.  The names of the thousands of young people crusading against segregation with them are even lesser known.  But movements are only possible and potentially effective with people willing to take risks without counting on seeing their names in the history books.

Woolworth lunch counter

The lunch counter itself, or at least a portion of it, has been reassembled at the American Museum of National History (Smithsonian) in Washington, DC.  There are only four seats on display.  When we think about the civil rights movement, however, we need to extend the counter a long way.

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Why the blanket J6 pardons are even worse than you thought

Don’t expect Donald Trump to follow through on all his campaign promises as quickly and thoroughly as he did for the insurgents who stormed the Capitol on January 6, 2020. Roughly 1600 people faced prosecution for their attempt to shut down Congress, block certification of Joe Biden’s election, and keep Trump in office.

Some trespassed in Congressional offices.

Some broke windows and vandalized the building; at least one took a dump in Nancy Pelosi’s office.

Some attacked Capitol police with sticks or flagpoles or police shields or Tasers; some were armed.

Some plotted grander strategies for overthrowing the government.

Many of the accused pled guilty to more and less modest charges and served time in jail, but the leaders of the Proud Boys (Enrique Tarrio) and the Oath Keepers (Stewart Rhodes) were convicted of seditious conspiracy and sentenced to roughly two decades in jail.

During the presidential campaign, Trump promised to treat the accused and convicted justly. His Congressional allies explained that would mean considering each case individually, and most assuredly not releasing people convicting of attacking police officers. But those allies misunderstood just why Trump was issuing pardons and commutations: it wasn’t about the details of what the convicted had done; it was because they had uncritically supported Trump and his claims, and demonstrated the willingness to suffer–and inflict suffering to advance the cause.

A bunch of insurgents were released. In addition to vindicating his allies, Trump sent a signal to other supporters–and to his opponents.

There’s certainly nothing new about protesters breaking the law to make a point. Civil rights and antiwar activists like John Lewis or Randy Kehler went to prison to demonstrate their sincerity and commitment; resolutely non-violent, they were prepared to suffer for their cause. (Gandhi’s explanation of this approach was to suffer and try to be convinced of your opponent’s position.)

Authorities punish lawbreakers for a few reasons: they uphold social norms; they take bad actors off the streets; they educate and rehabilitate wrong-doers; they deter others from taking similar actions.

In taking a blanket approach, not sorting among the various insurgents and their actions, Trump put at least a few very bad actors back on the streets. Some announced their plans, thanking Trump, calling for retribution to those who put them in jail, and pledging loyalty. The so-called QAnon shaman announced he was going to get guns. At least one protester was arrested again for violating gun laws.

Surely, some of the J6 insurgents reconsidered their actions and decided to abide by the law. Others, clearly, are undaunted, newly supported and committed to some kind of Trump agenda. This is scary.

Some of the released are out to demonstrate that they are dangerous; have no doubt that they will do so, possibly at the expense of people who had testified against them or crossed Trump in some way.

Trump’s blanket release/forgiveness signaled that the most important thing in making decisions was fealty to Trump. Most of the released got the message.

So, what happens next? Will Rhodes’s Oath Keepers, invisible since J6 revive? Will Tarrio’s Proud Boys, whose locals had been attacking gay people and Drag Queen story times accelerate their efforts? Why not? The big message is that Trump will protect his most committed and violent acolytes–even against the police. Message received.

More than that, Trump’s pardon humiliated Republican allies who had–until just now–explained that the J6 protesters who attacked the police deserved no sympathy, unlike someone who might have attended a rally and inadvertently gotten caught up in the moment. Now they have to pretend that they don’t know the details or just return fire by attacking Joe Biden’s poorly considered, but understandable, preemptive pardons for friends and relatives who might have angered Trump.

Trump made it clear that those Congressional allies were guided by no principle beyond loyalty to Trump. And if they go along with the pardons, they’ll go along with anything.

For now.

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Martin Luther King Day, 2025; the arc of the moral universe bends back.

Is it irony or insult that Martin Luther King Day is the date of Donald Trump’s second inaugural, and the promise of an administration with little grace or charity on the horizon. It takes a lot of sophist gymnastics to make King’s famous axiom about the arc of the moral universe bending toward justice ring true.

But, there is the holiday, which offers a good chance for politicians across the political spectrum to misquote or misinterpret King. Advocates have unsuccessfully tried to use the Federal holiday to drum up support for protecting Voting Rights–a strong commitment for King during his life. Others push for a day of service, really because it’s much harder to create a consensual feel-good moment out of a commitment to racial and economic justice and opposition to war–both severe challenges in the current moment.

King is constantly reinterpreted and appropriated for a range of causes. For a much fuller consideration, keep an eye out for Hajar Yazdiha’s award-winning book, The Struggle for the People’s King: How Politics Transforms the Memory of the Civil Rights Movement.

Here I repost a slightly edited version of an older post on the holiday.

Statue of Martin Luther King, Jr. with a light snow-covering

On the eve of the Martin Luther King Day holiday not long ago, the president of the United States announced, emphatically, that you can’t find anyone less racist than he is. He’s back, and if you’re suspicious of such proclamations, perhaps it’s just that you’ve learned to distrust people who laud their own honesty, their color-blindness, their respect for women, or concern for the poor. Like the salesman who claims the nickname, “Honest,” Donald Trump never succeeded in fooling most people, just enough to sell the next condo or secure the next loan. Then some large number of elected officials and voters who knew better chose to look the other way, and Trump won the 2016 election. It’s somewhat more disturbing that Trump really won the 2024 election. https://www.nps.gov/media/photo/gallery-item.htm?id=b0488081-61a1-446e-b300-80362bc38f5d&gid=108379A9-3701-4049-ABB5-0F178044536F

The office of the presidency, however, starts with obligations to all Americans, and it doesn’t end there. Trump is hardly the first US president to harbor racist thoughts or sentiments, but he’s displayed less worry about revealing them to large audiences, often through words, and consistently through deeds.

It’s worth considering the resources and possibilities Martin Luther King’s memory gives us in combating those who would restore what he fought against.

One of the hard-won achievements of the civil rights movement was the establishment of King holiday. This means that Americans expect any president to pay respects to the man, and even more, to the movement. Tradition really is powerful, and activists are wise to attend to establishing new ones.

If Donald Trump displayed less appreciation or enthusiasm for the King holiday than, say, pardoning Thanksgiving turkeys, that’s no mystery or surprise.

Each holiday event is a moment, unlikely to capture much attention in the White House during the rest of the year.

For the rest of us, however, the King Day reminder is an alert. Martin Luther King, Jr., and many many others, put work behind their words on social justice, often facing great risks and paying serious penalties. Their heirs continue today.

Martin Luther King died young enough and dramatically enough to be turned into an American hero, but it was neither his youth nor his death that made him heroic.

To Build a Mature Society: The Lasting Legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr.'s  “Beyond Vietnam” Speech — The Gotham Center for New York City History

In his rather brief public life, beginning in Montgomery at 26, and ending with his assassination at 39, King consistently displayed rhetorical brilliance (on the podium and the page), strategic acumen, and exceptional moral and physical courage.

The effort to honor Martin Luther King with a holiday commemorating his birthday started at the King Center, in Atlanta, in the year after his assassination.  States began to follow suit, and by 1983, more than half celebrated King’s life with a day. That year, Ronald Reagan signed a bill making Martin Luther King day a national holiday, while expressing ambivalence, acknowledging that it was costly, and that King may have been a Communist.

The King holiday was about Martin Luther King, to be sure, but it was meant to represent far more than the man.  King stands in for the civil rights movement and for African-American history more generally.  I often wonder if the eloquence of the 1963 “I have a dream” speech winds up obscuring not only a man with broader goals, but a much more contested–and ambitious–movement.

Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial - Wikipedia
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Martin_Luther_King_Jr._Memorial

The man and the movement are ossified into an iconic image, like a statue, which locks King and the movement into the politics of 1963-1965.  We accept King’s dream, that little children will play together, and that people will be judged by “the content of their character” (a favorite phrase on the right).

The image, like a statue, is available for appropriation to advocates of all political stripes, and the establishment of the holiday itself represents an achievement of the civil rights movement, winning the holiday if not broader economic and social equality.

Before the transformation of the man into an icon, King transformed himself from a pastor into an activist, a peripatetic crusader for justice.

But the pastor didn’t disappear; rather this role grew into something larger, as King himself transformed himself from a minister into a an Old Testament prophet, one whose primary concern was always the people on the margins, the widows and orphans, the poor and hungry. In standing with those on the margins, King courageously used–and risked–the advantages of his privilege, pedigree, and education.  He also knew that he risked his safety and his life.

In his writing, King used his education and his vocation to support his political goals.  In the critically important “Letter from a Birmingham Jail,” the activist and minister cited both the Constitution and the Bible in support of Federal intervention in local politics to support desegregation and human rights.  (We know that other activists now use the same sources to justify pushing the Federal government out of local politics.)

King explained that he was in jail in Birmingham, Alabama, because he had nonviolently defied local authorities in the service of higher laws, the Constitution and the Gospel.  This was not like making a provocative statement on one’s own [profitable] radio or television show.  There were real costs and severe risks.

King was never less than controversial during his life, under FBI surveillance during his political career, and vigorously criticized by opponents (for demanding too much and too strongly) and allies (for not demanding more, more vigorously).

When he was assassinated outside a Memphis motel in 1968, he was standing with sanitation workers on strike, straying from a simpler civil rights agenda.  He had also alienated some civil rights supporters by coming out, strongly, against the war in Vietnam.  And Black Power activists saw their own efforts as overtaking King’s politics and rhetoric.  By the time he was killed, Martin Luther King’s popular support had been waning for some time.

Posterity has rescued an image of Martin Luther King, at the expense of the man’s own broader political vision.

Ironically, in elevating an insurgent to a position in America’s pantheon of historic heroes, we risk editing out the insurgency.

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Trump Inauguration II: This time is different

Today’s People’s March, protesting Donald Trump’s second inauguration, numbered in the thousands, far shy of the millions mobilized by the Women’s March 8 years ago. There are always protests at presidential inaugurals, but the Women’s March of 2017, along with scores of sister marches, was the largest one day demonstration in American history. It’s hard not to compare, even though so many elements of the politics of the moment are radically different than 2017–many much worse.

Comparison, I’ve heard, is the thief of joy.

One reason organizers chose not to stage a national march–along with scores of sister marches–was knowing that the inevitable smaller turnout would show as a sign of weakness.

The Trump team also worked to avoid comparisons: in 2017, Trump sent his press secretary out to announce the biggest inaugural turnout ever–an astonishingly obvious lie that set the tone for the next four years. Mainstream media outlets quickly published photos comparing the Trump crowd with those attending the Obama inaugurations. Alternative facts indeed. This time, Trump moved the inaugural inside (blaming the weather) and took down the Jumbotrons on the mall so there would be no photographic comparisons showing a skimpy turnout.

The Women’s March of 2017 announced a clarion resolve to resist the new administration–and it worked. (I edited a book about this with Sid Tarrow.) Successful tactics communicate commitment, encouraging allies to do more, and giving pause to some of the less resolute opponents. People who opposed the new administration on civil liberties, immigration, reproductive rights, tax justice, climate change, and so much more, saw that they were not alone and continued their own campaigns. The following week, protesters (some wearing the emblematic “pussy hats”) surged to virtually every international airport in the United States to protest the first sloppy and hateful “Muslim ban.” And there was more: elected officials issued legal challenges, while activists offered shelter and service to travelers caught in the chaos. The Administration was forced to litigate and revise its policies (twice), losing time and a bit of the dramatic cruelty.

Then each weekend in Washington, DC witnessed protests against Trump on behalf of specific grievances: climate, science, abortion, gun safety, democracy and more. Activists formed new organizations and forged new ties, animating a broad opposition that included not only protests, but electoral politics as well–and the Democrats made large gains, notably picking up more than 40 seats and gaining the majority in the House of Representatives.

Trump’s opponents made progress in a battle of position. But the Women’s March and subsequent protests didn’t end the contest. Protest works, but not by itself, and not on a time frame that some activists imagine when they set aside a weekend and plot a placard. To work a demonstration–or any other protest action–has to become part of a longer, more complicated active campaign, including a wide range of efforts.

This time is different. Trump’s second election, with more votes than in 2016 and more votes than Kamala Harris is more than a slight to those who organized and protested years ago. Certainly, it’s a challenge that calls for a reevaluation of strategies and tactics, but that’s nothing like capitulation. The terms and turf in Trump II will be different, but no less contentious.

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