First responders to Trump’s election

I turned down an interview request yesterday on what to say to make the “rioters” stop. I said I had nothing to contribute. Shortly afterward, I wondered if I’d made a mistake. I could have said:

It’s understandable that young people who voted against a vigorously racist, xenophobic, and misogynist campaign that actively avoided the truth, who lived in communities and states that shared their views, and in a country where their candidate actually got the most votes, are frustrated. They’re scared about seeing their friends or family deported, health insurance eliminated, reproductive rights curtailed, and planet desecrated.

I could have said:

President-elect Trump could explain that he made campaign promises only to win votes and has no intention of following through on them, and then apologize for scaring people.

But,

It’s not surprising that the first fallouts from the Trump victory have emerged. Students have held rallies and marches on college campuses that expressed general horror and opposition, sometimes under the hashtag #notmypresident. Trump initially tweeted a whine about the unfairness of it all, blaming the media for inciting “professional protesters.” (If someone out there is being paid, please let me know. If someone out there is going to a demonstration because of an op-ed that she read, please let me know.)

But this is the kitchen that Trump chose to enter. Protests will continue at least up to the inaugural, which will surely feature much colorful opposition. This isn’t just about Trump; counterinaugurals are now a standard feature in our political life. Presidents Obama, Bush, Clinton, Bush, and Reagan all faced such demonstrations. A Million Women March screen-shot-2016-11-11-at-11-11-18-amhas already been announced for the day after Trump takes the oath of office, and surely there will be much more.

Somebody must have explained this to President-elect Trump, who later tweeted that he “love[d] the fact that the small groups of protesters last night have passion for our great country” (my italics). Perhaps he even realized that having an inexperienced billionaire just elected president of the United States whining about being mistreated isn’t a way to get people to stop protesting.

Scarier, I think, are the thus far scattered incidents of anti-Muslim, anti-black, anti-immigrant, anti-Semitic, and anti-women harassment across the United States, including many college campuses. It’s robbery, ridicule, and vandalism–so far.Graffiti on the windows on the abandoned Meglio Furs store in South Philadelphia. Photos by Jared Brey

Some of those who lost at the polls, seeing no other immediate recourse, have taken to the streets.

Some of those who won, finding support and encouragement in their victory, have celebrated by reclaiming spaces they think they own. It’s hardly new in America, but I’d venture to say it’s not what made America great in the past.

Organized demonstrations are harder to sustain than vandalism and violence perpetrated by small groups of people. What happens next is a function of both organization and responses. Trump’s opponents have the task of orchestrating a campaign that extends beyond limited events in supportive settings; it’s hard to think Speaker Paul Ryan, for example, is worried much about a march in Berkeley. But much more is possible.

Meanwhile, Trump’s supporters have the responsibility of not allowing thugs to define their victory. The president-elect’s opponents charge that his victory is a triumph of racism. Trump must now show that this is not the case, even at the risk of antagonizing some of his supporters. I fear this is another challenge that will be beyond him.

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After the fall….what kind of protest follows?

I wrote yesterday’s post about concession speeches when I assumed, having steeped myself in all the aggregators and prognosticators I could find, that Hillary Clinton was going to win, and that Donald Trump would face the dilemma of navigating the concession ritual. Having to explain how I got this wrong is far and away the least consequential fallout from Trump’s election.

So, Hillary Clinton delivered a moving concession speech this morning, stamped out of the standard model I described yesterday.  Trump’s win gave him the more attractive task of claiming victory and promising conciliation. He promised, as Barack Obama and George W. Bush did–and Hillary Clinton certainly would have, to be the president of all Americans.

This laudable aim is difficult to pull off; certainly, neither Bush nor Obama were able to convince large segments of the American people that the president was operating in their interests. I’d think it would be even more difficult for Donald Trump.

But politics doesn’t end after an election, and even if Hillary Clinton won’t be out in the streets protesting, others will be. When someone new comes into office, the prospects and provocations that face activists across the political spectrum shift.

Shortly after Donald Trump deliverd a victory speech about 2,000 people rallied against the election at UCLA.

Students protest Trump’s election at UCLA

Some of those frustrated by the electoral results started protesting right away. College students marched against Trump on their campuses, including here at the University of California, Irvine. This first round of protests targeted Trump generally, and students announced their appreciation for diversity. Protests like this will surely continue through at least the inauguration of President (ulp!) Trump in January.

But that won’t be all of it. As appointments and prospective policies start pouring out of the Trump administration, activists will respond to the provocations they see. Candidate Trump promised to keep Muslims out of the country, to round up and deport undocumented immigrants, to repeal the Affordable Care Act, to build a Great Wall on the Mexican borders, to cut taxes for wealthy Americans, to withdraw from international agreements on climate change and trade, and to reduce regulations on coal mining and guns (to pick two). Plenty of people will be aggrieved.

With the Republicans, ostensibly allied with the new president, in control of both houses of Congress, people who want to fight unwanted policies will see little reason to focus on the legislative process, and much more incentive to take to the streets. This has happened before: in 2009 when Barack Obama worked to pass health care reform through a Democratic Congress, the Tea Party emerged  to challenge reformers through demonstrations large and small, and confront Democratic legislators at town meetings. The Tea Party shifted tactics and became less visible after Republicans won control of the House of Representatives in 2010. There’s no reason to expect opponents of Trump’s policy proposals not to fight back.

But it’s not just his opponents. The Trump campaign emboldened a nationalism cloaked in various shades of white (see Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke, a Trump enthusiast, at left). The campaign to “Make America Great Again” evoked a paler paradise located in a non-specific past where the white working class lived at the center of a much less colorful American dream. At least some Trump supporters will expect the new president to deliver on a set of essentially impossible promises. If he fails to deport masses of immigrants or create large numbers of well-paid manufacturing jobs for less educated workers, for example, expect those supporters to challenge him as well, and try to take nationalist politics into their own hands. It could get very ugly.

Trump’s election turns a page in a surprising end to a chapter in the American story. But it’s certainly not the end, and there’s no reason to believe it gets either easier or less disruptive.

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When you lose at the polls…..

Donald Trump has called his campaign for the presidency the greatest movement in American history. Maybe not. But what happens to that movement if Trump doesn’t win the presidency?

How the losers behave tells you a great deal about the system as well as the competitors.

U.S. Sen. Bernie SandersMadison’s goal in designing America’s political institutions was to keep dissatisfied people focused on competing within mainstream political institutions. The system works when those who lose at the polls focus on organizing to compete again–rather than simply taking to the streets.

The standard concession speech features thanks to the
voters and campaign workers, more or less gracious congratulations to the victor, and praise for the system. Almost all successful politicians, including Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton, and Bill Clinton suffered significant defeats and persevered.

Senator Bernie Sanders waged a vigorous campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination, and conceded defeat when all the states were done voting. Deeply committed to a cause, he threw himself into his rival’s campaign, carrying his ideas. The Democratic platform responded to his concerns about issues like access to college and the minimum wage, and Sen. Sanders used the Clinton campaign to continue making his case for the 2016-03-31-1459468245-7773479-HillaryClinton.jpgcause. If he felt personal slights or disappointments, he certainly didn’t show it.

When New York senator Hillary Clinton lost a hard-fought campaign against Barack Obama in 2008, she quickly made her peace with the nominee, and worked to get him elected. Committed to public service–or personal ambition–Clinton joined the Obama administration and worked hard on behalf of the president’s policies, counting on his support when she again ran for office. It’s hard to imagine something far off the standard script if she loses the election.

Image result for donald trump

But what about Donald Trump? He has repeatedly announced that an electoral defeat would probably be the result of a rigged system. Regardless, he’s said that failing to win the presidency would reflect a tremendous waste of time and money. Does any kind of Trump movement continue after a defeat?

Trump has demonstrated no clear commitment to any set of issues. He’s backed off even his central campaign themes of stopping Muslims from entering the country and Mexicans from crossing the Southern border without navigating a wall. Very much unlike Bernie Sanders, he has no cause that is greater than his own personal ambitions.

There’s also no reason to see a clear commitment to the Re;publican party from its nominee. Whatever happens next, it’s hard to imagine Trump putting much effort into healing a divided party after the election.

Many pundits have speculated that Trump will use an electoral defeat to build a rightwing news network, either on cable television or the internet. I don’t think the numbers work easily for such an enterprise (cable viewership is down; Glenn Beck’s The Blaze is faltering online). More than that, Trump’s business record offers little evidence that he has the management patience to launch such a venture, or that he would be willing to invest his money in it.

If it’s hard to see Trump making a substantial commitment to building a movement or a business after losing at the polls, it’s quite easy to imagine intensified whining about bias and mistreatment. After a defeat, however, I don’t see how many Republicans are going to have much interest or patience for the whine. Trump will offer little support for any agenda, nor anything helpful for their personal political aspirations.

So, who will listen?

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Hypocrisy is progress

After Donald Trump reluctantly apologized for comments he could not deny–they were caught on tape–debate moderator Anderson Cooper forced him to explain whether or not it was just talk. Cooper deserves credit for pressing Trump to answer whether he sexually women protest donald trump and the gop in new york city #gophandsoffmeassaulted women or just bragged about doing so.

It’s generally been a safe bet that Trump’s bragging has far outstripped his accomplishments, but this was different. Trump himself denied that he had made unwelcome sexual advances on women–ever; it was just “locker room” talk. Given that there were already many public reports of such advances, the denial wasn’t very believable, but it must have seemed like the best answer available to someone running for president and facing a television audience of tens of millions. But the lie was progress.

Trump denied committing sexual assault because grabbing women isn’t a prerogative of wealth or power, a new truth that Trump, begrudgingly, acknowledged. In trying to put himself on the sunny side of respectability, Trump admitted where the line was. Many others weighed in to explain that lockers and showers don’t signal a suspension of such basic values.

The maxim that “hypocrisy is the tribute that vice pays to virtue, ” ascribed to François de La Rochefoucauld, is operative here; the lie reinforces the norm.

And the lie provides leverage to dig for the truth. Protesters who challenge sexual violence now joined those concerned with racism and xenophobia in turning out against Trump. More than that, it’s hardly surprising that Trump’s assertion of probity would provoke challenges–or that any media outlet not already in the tank for him would investigate and publish stories that expose the lie.

But the longer term effects are far greater. At once, all sorts of people had the opportunity to declare that it’s wrong to claim sexual favors just because you want them. Unwelcome grabbing, groping, and slobbering aren’t okay, and this is something that everyone gets to know again. Public confirmation of this value affects conduct, partly because of human awareness or moral education, partly because of fear of punishment. All of this is to the good. The lesson should extend far beyond the presidential campaign.

Anita Hill’s testimony about sexual harassment before a Congressional committee didn’t stop Clarence Thomas from taking a seat on the Supreme Court. Thomas denied the How we know Clarence Thomas did itcharges, and the Senate really didn’t press. The testimony did, however, go a long way toward defining and stigmatizing sexual harassment in the workplace, and law, culture, and practice evolved. I’m sure harassment still takes place, but it’s now clearly not legitimate, and sometimes perpetrators are punished (e.g.).

Oddly, being forced to lie about sexually assaulting women represents progress.

 

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Persistence, part III: William Barber is ready

As the demonstration and discussions about the killing of Keith Scott continued, The New PHOTO: Protesters sit and hold a moment of silence for Keith Scott during another night of protests over the police shooting of Scott in Charlotte, North Carolina, Sept. 24, 2016York Times found an activist voice to explain what was going on. On the Op-Ed page, Rev. Dr. William Barber published “Why are we protesting in Charlotte,”  offering moral and religious motivations for his presence–along with that of many other clergy–at the protests. Barber explained:

In the Scriptures, the prophet Jeremiah denounces false prophets for crying “peace, peace when there is no peace.” We cannot condemn the violence of a small minority of protesters without also condemning the overwhelming violence that millions suffer every day.

But Reverend Barber didn’t emerge in the national news from out of nowhere. Over many years, he had been building an activist career on issues exactly like these, and when the Times sought an informed and respected voice, he was experienced and ready.

Since April of 2013, Rev. William Barber has been leading protests outside the state capitol in Raleigh, North Carolina. The Moral Monday (discussed here) protests focused on policy, specifically the new political agenda that Governor Pat McCrory and a Republican majority in the state William Barber at Moral Mondays rally.jpglegislature were pushing: measures to require photo ID to vote, restrict unemployment insurance and Medicaid. raise sales taxes to cut income and property taxes. relax environmental regulations, and cut funds for public schools. He lost on almost all these issues–at least in the short run.

But the protests continued, and have inspired like-minded efforts in neighboring states. (The Moral Monday campaign in Georgia supports an informative website.) In North Carolina, the campaign is explained on the site of the state NAACP; Barber is its president. In addition to the NAACP work, Rev. Barber, who holds a doctoral degree in theology,  and serves as pastor of the Greenleaf Christian Church in Goldsboro, about a 3 1/2 hr. drive from Charlotte, where he’s been demonstrating.

Reverend Barber’s continuing work in North Carolina helped him develop local credibility and contacts as well as national visibility. His persistence and visibility earned him a prime time speaking slot on the fourth night of the Democratic National Convention, where he outlined a vision of social justice that comes straight from the Biblical prophets.

This is another way in which protest matters, even if not at the time or in the way that activists hope.

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Persistence, part II: Kaepernick’s anthem protest and police violence

Most attempted campaigns stall out quickly, but sometimes…

Almost no one noticed when San Francisco 49 back-up quarterback Colin Kaepernick started his protest of police violence. Conservative media and the professional football commentariat pilloried Kaepernick, suggesting that his protest was ill-considered, inappropriate, and ineffective (see part I). His first defenders emphasized civil liberties and the quarterback’s right to protest more than his claims about police violence and race.

Tragic events, particularly police killings in Tulsa and Charlotte, turned attention from the Kaepernick’s physical posture to his political stance. Suddenly, the play that quarterback called seemed exactly on target. The protest about police violence echoed with enhanced resonance, and then spread to

Football players on other teams (Philadelphia Eagles here):

NFL: Pittsburgh Steelers at Philadelphia Eagles

 

 

 

 

College football players (Michigan v. Michigan State)

Michigan football players raise their fists up in protest during the National Anthem, before an NCAA college football game against Penn State, Saturday in Ann Arbor, Mich.

High school football players in Oakland, visited by Kaepernick


 

UNC students protest during the national anthem before the start of the Tar Heels’ game against Pittsburgh at Kenan Stadium in Chapel Hill.

Athletes in other sports (entire Indiana Fever team)

 

 

 

Spectators in the stands (University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill)

 

Musicians in the marching band (Southern Methodist University)

 

 

 

 

And cheerleaders (Garfield High School, Seattle)

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It’s mostly not majorities who are protesting, but it almost never is. The iconic campaigns of the past all started with a few people who were ridiculed by others. And there were always lots of false starts, where nothing seemed to take off. A successful campaign is a coincidence of commitment and opportunity, and the people who start it really never know how receptive the world will be.

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Persistence, part I: Charlotte videos

The big story that activists always face is one in which authorities tell them that their efforts are inappropriate, ill-considered, and ineffective–or even counterproductive. (And, sometimes, they are.) It takes a certainty that comes from courage, social support, and stubborness toResidents and activists march in the streets of Charlotte on September 22. There was a heavy police presence, and the North Carolina National Guard was also on hand. keep at it. Sometimes persistence pays off all by itself. Sometimes, events vindicate and validate claims that previously seemed unimportant enough to generate protest.

So, once local and national activists learned of the existence of Charlotte, North Carolina police videos of the confrontation and killing of Keith Scott, it’s hardly surprising that they would demand their release. Scott’s family echoed that call, particularly after they had been allowed to view the police videos.

Rakeyia Scott released her own phone video of her husband’s death. It doesn’t show Keith Scott’s demeanor, nor whether he was armed, but you can hear Mrs. Scott imploring the police not to shoot her husband, then reacting to the shots and watching her husband die. It’s awful.

Protestors dump cargo from tractor trailers on a fire on I-85  during the Charlotte protests.Demonstrations shook Charlotte, night after night. Most, but not all, demonstrators were peaceful each night. There’s an ongoing battle to control the story and control the images. Black Lives Matter activists wanted the peaceful demonstrations to represent the conflict in Charlotte. Their opponents wanted images of disruption, looting, and violence. It wasn’t hard for either side to find what they wanted.

The police announced they wouldn’t be releasing their videos until an investigation was complete–however long that took. (Understandably, it’s harder for people to do most jobs when audiences are watching and commenting.  Public disclosure is a benefit–and a cost–of democracy.) The mayor then announced that the videos would come out some time–soon. She wasn’t very specific.

But after Mrs. Scott’s video came out and the demonstrations continued, the police released the videos the next day. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Chief Kerr Putney explained that he’d been assured that the ongoing investigation would not be affected by their release–allaying his earlier worries.

The videos, as Chief Putney acknowledges, don’t show that Keith Scott had a gun or threatened the police, but the chief is confident that there is enough additional evidence to support the police version of the story.

I doubt that this will be resolved easily or quickly. But the impact of the protests, in spite of what authorities and pundits said, is pretty clear.

Meanwhile, a new law that takes effect in North Carolina next week will prevent future videos from disclosure.

Expect a challenge here as well.

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Where’s Occupy? (five years on….)

What happened to the amazing movement that captured public attention five years ago? Image result for Occupy ballerinaLast Saturday was the anniversary of the day the first Occupiers ambled marched through lower Manhattan and ambled into Zuccotti Park–where they stayed for two months, inspiring similar Occupations across the United States and scattered around the world.

Photographer Accra Shepp produced photographic portraits of some 400 Occupiers at the height of the movement, and then followed up and produced new portraits of the same people now. You can see some of the originals at the Steven Kasher Gallery site. Some were published in The New York Times.

Even for a movement that was particularly good at producing powerful images, Shepp’s artistry is still evident.  The photos are arresting and powerful.

But Shepp also provides capsule updates of the lives of the Occupiers. Dr. Alexandre Carvalho (below), for example, took a position overseeing health care for workers on an oil rig in the Atlantic, before he was fired for protesting the conditions they faced.

Reading through the stories, we get a sense not only of the surprising and often unexpected paths of individual lives, but also of the ongoing commitments these people made to spotting and fighting political and economic inequality. The commitments didn’t evaporate with the Occupations, but spilled out into many other movements and an even larger number of individual efforts.

Occupy continues, but not in any coherent, organized, or visible form.

Enough?

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The repressive power of tolerance

One way protest works is by provoking overreaction from opponents. Remember, Colin Kaepernick sat out the national anthem for three days before anyone noticed. It was the reaction from people who took offense that drew attention to the quarterback and–to a Image resultsomewhat lesser extent–his concerns. The tempest surrounding the anthem protest drew others in, including people who emphatically supported his right to protest more than the justice or wisdom of his approach.  The Seattle Seahawks are apparently planning a team action during the anthem of their next game, emphasizing their unity.  Three women on West Virginia Tech’s volleyball team took a knee during the pre-game anthem, in support of Kaepernick’s protest.

And high school athletes scattered across the country are beginning to see new opportunities in the anthem as well. If this leads to discussions of police violence in American high schools and stadiums–or even the Bill of Rights, it’s due not only to Colin Kaepernick, but also the people who would shut him down.

Indeed, part of the classic Constitutional strategy for dealing with dissent was to allow space for protesters–and freedom for those who wished to ignore them. The founders, by the way, generally understood the power or tolerance–but frequently forgot. (See, for example, Alexander Hamilton and James Madison on the Alien and Sedition Acts, 1798. Marvel again at Lin-Manuel Miranda’s brilliant creativity in portraying Hamilton as a champion of immigrants.)

Now Republicans in the House of Representatives have to figure out when reacting will be overreacting. Frustrated Democrats literally took to the House floor in JA photo shot and tweeted from the floor of the U.S. House of Representatives shows Democratic members of the House staging a sit-in on the House floor "to demand action on common sense gun legislation" on Capitol Hill, in Washington, June 22, 2016. une of this year, staging a sit-in to call for votes on a series of gun control measures.  Incensed, Speaker of the House Paul Ryan closed the session. The sit-in violated both the informal norms and the rules of the House, which allow the majority to dominate and marginalize the minority.

Republican representatives are still angry, and they want to punish the Democrats for their insolence. Punishment here is less likely to involve police dogs than a nasty resolution of disapproval. The question: is it worth it? Any punishment will recall–if not reopen–a debate about gun control on which the Democratic position enjoys more popular support. It will put the well-liked and collegial Speaker Ryan in direct confrontation with Rep. John Lewis, always (and accurately) described as an iconic hero of the civil rights movement. It’s ground Democrats would like to defend in the run-up to an election.

The Democrats are daring the Republican leadership not to do the smart thing–and look away. I’d bet the Republicans take the dare.

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The risks of standing out–by sitting down

San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick, middle,San Francisco 49er quarterback and national anthem dissenter Colin Kaepernick stands to earn more than $10 million this year, and most of it is guaranteed–unlike the contracts for most professional football players. This very substantial sum belies the very serious risks Kaepernick is taking by standing up, sitting down, or kneeling for his beliefs.

Something less than a handful of professional athletes have thus far joined the quarterback in his protests. Partly, it’s likely that many don’t agree with his ideas or his actions. Surely, however, another obstacle to action is a real fear of retaliation. Professional football is an extremely difficult and dangerous way to earn an immense amount of money, and it’s not a career path that’s available to many people or for very long. Coaches and general managers, themselves under great pressure to win, try to avoid troublemakers–and the new attention to the anthem is certainly trouble. Exceptional performers can get away with a little bit more than those deemed to be more replaceable. There are many accomplished and committed people ready to do the job who won’t make trouble, as people who might make waves are constantly reminded. Kaepernick surely knows that he could be replaced by someone who won’t unite a massive crowd in coordinated booing. This replaceability is true on the field, on a movie set, and virtually anyplace else that there isn’t tenure.

Soccer star Megan Rapinoe followed Kaepernick’s lead, making her own gesture of supporting, adding her own concerns about injustice in the United States:

I think it’s actually pretty disgusting the way he was treated and the way that a lot of the media has covered it and made it about something that it absolutely isn’t. […] Being a gay American, I know what it means to look at the flag and not have it protect all of your liberties. It was something small that I could do and something that I plan to keep doing in the future and hopefully spark some meaningful conversation around it. It’s important to have white people stand in support of people of color on this. We don’t need to be the leading voice, of course, but standing in support of them is something that’s really powerful.

Football players who might have followed Kaepernick were reminded that such actions could jeopardize their careers, which are always even more tenuous than they appear. Richard Sherman, a star cornerback on the Seattle Seahawks, was clear in expressing support for Kaepernick’s concerns, even as he steered clear of taking on a similar protest. When asked about his advice to teammates who might have similar concerns, Sherman emphasized awareness of the risks: “Every action has an equal or greater reaction, and there’s going to be criticism. There’s going to be backlash. There’s going to be people behind screens that will judge you, that will criticize you, and you’ve got to be ready to deal with that.”

It’s not just a professional career that’s at risk, but a means of livelihood afterward. Taking a stand against the anthem is hardly an effective way to secure endorsements or motivational speaking engagements at corporate retreats afterward. Stepping into the political spotlight can also expose far more about an individual’s political commitments and ideas than most of us are ready for. Thus far, Colin Kaepernick has tried to step up to those challenges.

Nate Boyer, formerly a Green Beret, and a veteran of both combat and a very brief professional football career, published an open letter in Army Times trying to make sense of his own complicated feelings about Kaepernick’s actions, and inviting engagement. The quarterback responded by inviting Boyer to last Thursday’s game, and talking in detail about his issues and his options for action. When the anthem played, Boyer stood next to Kaepernick and teammate Eric Reid, who were kneeling, trying to signal respect for their country in conjunction with their concerns. Kaerpernick was visible in applauding the veterans honored that night, following the singing of “God Bless America” (a better national anthem I think; John Legend suggests “America the Beautiful”–even better).

Nate Boyer wasn’t alone; many veterans tweeted support for Kaepernick’s right to protest. Look for #VeteransForKaepernick and you’ll find pictures of servicemen and women and veterans of all backgrounds, deployed and at home, emphasizing their commitment to first amendment rights.

Between the kneel and the applause, Colin Kaepernick tried to navigate a course in which his gestures would signal both respect and concern. He found himself in a harsher spotlight than his passing alone would invite. Kaepernick emphasized his commitment to do more than complain, announcing that he would donate the first $1 million of his salary to community organizations–just about a tithe–starting with $60,000 worth of backpacks to school children in Harlem and the South Bronx. The criticism may have loosed the donation, but the money won’t stem the criticism. It’s worth asking how many of his critics–or the rest of us for that matter–are tithing in support of the causes we claim to support.

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